HANDBOOK OF PHONOLOGICAL DATA FROM A SAMPLE OF THE WORLD'S LANGUAGES A Report of the Stanford Phonology Archive Compiled and edited by John H. Crothers James P. Lorentz Donald A. Sherman Marilyn M. Vihman 1979 by The Board, of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America PAGE 452 STANFORD PHONOLOGY ARCHIVE VOLUME 1 — SEGMENT INVENTORIES, GENERAL COMMENTS, FOOTNOTES Mazahua 865 865 Mazahua 865 01 p 865 02 p-aspi rated 865 03 b-implosive r Ui 60 865 04 t 865 05 t-aspi rated 865 06 t-ejective 865 07 d-lmplosive r rll 6o l CM 865 OA \f 865 \*7 ^'•Hbpl r« lea 865 If) If — 1 r>K l :?> 1 i *-pb/-J IU IV" iwDlwXl ZcU 665 it K-aspi raxea-iabiallzed 865 i c K-ej ecx l ve A65 l j K-ejecxive-iabializea 865 AA5 id g-iaDi ai ized AA5 1 O X/ S 665 i / i/ r s~sspi raxeo AA5 OO? 18 t/s-ej ecti ve AA5 1 v x/s-naceK 1 865 20 t/s-hacek-aspi rated 01 865 21 t/s-hacek-ejective 01 865 22 s 865 23 s-aspi rated 865 Mazahua odd nazanua 54 e-nasalized Oix e>pi orl \ wo fc*r s> <- j cu L i vt; £>o epsixon 25 z 26 e-h»r»k 0 1 CO 9 IICiLcK 56 schwa 02 57 crKua-naeal {-»arj02 03 ? / bcnwa-nasa 1 1 ecu 27 z-hacek td/z-hacekl 61 CO - a Cr-trill3 61 ( free ) 3" fl"nasa j, i zea 28 m An ■! ou u [eng] 30 62 29 n 30 61 u-nasal ized 30 n-palatal 01 30 A9 r\ DC O 63 o-nasa 1 1 zed 32 1 33 r 01 64 o-open 34 glottal stop DO you* 35 h 36 m-voiceless 31 A 7 u 37 m-preglottalized 32 6 A vnrl**x/nf ace 3 l 69 yod-preglottalized 32 38 n-voiceless 31 39 n-palatal-voiceless 31 70 w-voiceless 31 40 n-palatal-preglottalized 32 71 w-preglottalized 32 51 1 52 i-nasalized 53 e 81 high 82 low [ low-rislngl 33 ( free) 83 high-falling 865 865 865 865 865 Sa Mazahua $d Oto-Manguean $e SW Mexico (Michoacan) $f 80,000 $g Merritt Ruhlen $g Jim Lorentz (review) $g John Crothers (editor) ?o Hazel *b 1953 $c Vowel Harmony and Consonant Sequences in Mazahua (Otomi) $d UAL ILIll ! ! nf f man * s * r ^ ^ ar5 t (fl€ld tr1ps) * s There 15 no description of the segments of Mazahua, A list of symbols of the phonemes of the language is given (p. 254) and several allophone rules are stated in footnotes. $a Pike, Eunice V. $b 1953 $c Tonemic-intonemic correlation in Mazahua (Otomi) $d UAL 17.37-41 $a IKT0NATI0N $A Intonation is manifested only on the last syllable of words. Low pitch indicates statements, high pitch ("considerably higher. . .than the high toneme") indicates a question. Mid pitch (roughly = high toneme) indicates continuation. Surprise is indicated by mid rising to high, disgust or anger by mid falling to low. High falling to low with length and stress is used for calling. (Pike, p.38f ) $a MORPHEME STRUCTURE $ A (C)V $A -Roots are mono-syllabic." (p.254) Syllable initial consonant clusters seem always to be the result of morpheme combination, although this is not stated by Spotts. It would appear that many stems have disyllabic form! the vowel of the second syllable is harmonic, but the analysis of the second syllable as a separate "stem formative" may be PAGE 453 STANFORD PHONOLOGY ARCHIVE VOLUME 1 — SEGMENT INVENTORIES, GENERAL COMMENTS » FOOTNOTES Mazahua 865 rather arbitrary in many cases. UHCJ 865 $a MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE OF WORDS $A "Phonological words consist morphologically of an optional proclitic followed by a simple or compound stem which in turn is sometimes followed by an infix and/or an enclitic." (p. 253) Consonant clusters may arise at any of the morpheme boundaries. Vowel loss with consonant clustering occurs between two elements of a compound and between a stem and a suffix. There are a number of consonant assimilations* only some of which are mentioned by Spotts. tJHCl 865 $a STRESS $A "Stress, accompanied by a nonphonemic lengthening of the vowel > occurs on the first syllable of the stem." Up to two monosyllabic proclitics may precede the stem. (Pike, p. 38) 865 $a SYLLABLE $A (CMC)V(C) $A No syllable canon is given by Spotts. The above formula Is deduced from examples. The formula holds true only if aspiration, glottal izati on, and voicelessness of sonorants are treated as features of unitary consonants, rather than as consonant clusters. Under this analysis the only syllable internal consonant clusters consist of nasal plus obstruent. CJHC3 865 $a TONE $A domain of tone! syllable $A Every syllable of a word bears a toneme, except the last, which is neutral from the viewpoint of lexical tone. Its pitch characteristics are determined by the intonation system. If a root becomes word-final (e.g. as second element ofa compound) it loses its lexical tone. When an enclitic is added after a non-compound stem the stem-final syllable, lexically neutral, acquires /high/ tone, unless it is of the form glottal + V> in which case it is dropped. When an enclitic is added after a compound stem, the last stem syllable becomes /low/ after a /high/ tone, otherwise /high/. (Pike, p.38ff ) 865 $a VOUEL HARMONY $A "Vowel harmony is not extensive in Mazahua but that which occurs is determined by the vowel of the root and affects the vowel of the stem formative or objective affix following it." Cf. p. £54 for details. 865 01 $A No exact point of articulation is specified for /t/s-hacek/ or /s-hacek/ or their aspirated and glottal ized counterparts, nor for /n-palatal/. /r/ is not described. 865 02 $A The nine oral vowels form a simple three by three system, /schwa/ is the highest of the unrounded central (or back?) vowels. Given that there is no phonetic description, /schwa/ might be Ei-bar3 phonetically, and /caret/ might be E schwa] . UHCJ 865 03 $A There are six nasal vowels, /a-nasalized/ is the lower of the central (unrounded) two. Given the absence of phonetic description, and the fact that the other two "low" nasal vowels are /e-nasalized/ and /o-nasalized/, this vowel may be phonetically t schwa-nasal ized) , i.e. mid rather than low. UHCJ 865 30 $A In), In-palatall , and Ceng) contrast with each other only before velar stops. Cf. p. 257-8. The source considers teng) to be an allophone of /m/ since they never contrast. In fact, Cengl before velar stops alternates morphophonemi cal ly with both /b-implosi ve/ and /m/ in full stems. This is apparently the only source of tengl . (p. 258) 865 31 $A The voiceless nasals and glides are considered clusters by Spotts, but theyisatisfy conditions for interpretation as a unit in the Archive, in that they occur in root initial position, and the putative initial /h/ of the cluster would occur only before (voiceless) sonorants as first element in clusters. [JHO 865 32 $A The preglottal i zed nasals and glides are considered clusters by Spotts, but they occur in root initial position, and the putative initial element /glottal stop/ would occur as cluster initial consonant only before sonorants. (JHO 865 33 $A /low/ may become [low-rising3 , "a quick glide starting at low and going in the direction of high" in slow speech. (Pike, p. 38) 865 60 $A The implosive stops are realized as plain voiced stops after nasals, (p. 254) 865 61 $A /z-hacek/ is affricated after nasals, and it varies freely with Ir-trilll word-initially, (p. 254) 865 62 $A /m/ is realized as leng) before velar stops, (p. 258)